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  • Memories of William T. “Bill” Davitt

    Memories of William T. “Bill” Davitt

    Following are remarks prepared and presented by John Todd on the passing of Bill Davitt.

    My longtime friend and fellow citizen activist William T. “Bill” Davitt passed away on May 14, 2020. His active voice of counsel will be missed in our community.

    I don’t remember when I first met Bill Davitt but suspect it was in the late 1980s. Bill was a familiar presence walking across the Bitting Street Bridge over the Little Arkansas River on his way to or from home from the former Dillions grocery store at 13th & Waco. He could be seen waiting at the bus stop for a trip to downtown Wichita and back since he did not own a car.

    Bill Davitt.
    Over his lifetime, Bill was a prolific writer and had frequent “Letters to the Editor” published in the Wichita Eagle on a variety of topics. He frequently testified before the Wichita City Council, the Sedgwick County Commission, and before numerous House and Senate Legislative Committees in Topeka. Bill was a staunch advocate for Municipal and State Court Reform, and the protection of private property rights from governmental eminent domain abuse. Even in his later years when he was living in an assisted care facility, he submitted a letter of testimony on an issue he was passionate about.

    In the mid-1990s I witnessed first-hand the abuse of the Wichita Municipal Court and City Council that came close to forcing Bill’s removal and the bulldozing to the ground of his home at 1205 N. Bitting. An Eagle article titled something to the effect, “Angels intervene in housing repair” described how Bill’s house was saved from destruction by a charitable group of neighborhood volunteers who stood by Bill and defied the city’s bulldozing edict. There were between 30 and 50 volunteers and donors involved in this citizen-helping-citizen effort. And, through the successful saving of Bill’s house from the city’s bulldozer, we witnessed first-hand the generous “barn-raising” spirit of our fellow Kansans who, when called upon to do so, come to the aid of their fellow citizens in their greatest time of need. They were wonderful!

    As a result of the bulldozing incident, Bill and I championed Municipal Court reform bills in the Kansas Legislature in 2000, 2001, and 2002. The odds were stacked against us as we discovered there was no political will among the cities in Kansas to give up their tremendous cash-cow source of revenue that their municipal courts generate.

    In 2002, Bill and I were able to stop a bad State Court Reform Resolution from successfully making its way through the Kansas Legislature. The resolution was based on a 1997 study commissioned by Kansas Supreme Court Chief Justice Kay McFarland by a group called the Kansas Justice Initiative Commission. When the issue was heard before a joint legislative committee that spring in Topeka, Bill and I were the only two Kansas citizens to appear before the committee to testify in opposition to the Resolution that was on greased skids towards passage on the single recommendation of the Justice Initiative Committee. Among other things, the Resolution failed to include Kansas Municipal Courts as part of the needed reform. The people of Kansas won that day!

    Some of Bill’s other issues that I recall include his advocacy for the family through Marriage Savers, and for including fathers in the family through the National Fatherhood Initiative. He was an advocate for teaching our young people civics in school so they could know who their city council members, county commissioners, and legislators were in order for them to get involved as active and informed citizens in creating better government.

    One of the things I admired most about Bill Davitt was the “forward-looking and his look to the future attitude” towards life that he had even in his late 80s when most people his age had given up dreaming of the future. As a young man he studied political science (civics), speech, and the law. In his early years he used his great speaking voice as a radio announcer on KFH Radio in Wichita. In recent years as a resident at the Via Christi Village senior care facility Bill used his great voice to sing songs that staff and other residents enjoyed, and he became a popular singer with that group. As a result of this interaction, Bill envisioned taking his singing talents to the next level and to promote himself as a nation-wide senior singing star. He wrote numerous letters to music promoters advocating his “senior singer” career passion. He dreamed of making it big in his new singing career.

    Bill Davitt was a man of great passion and faith who loved to teach. He was a man of luck who always seemed to have guardian angels looking after him when he faced his greatest needs in life. In my mind Sharon Witzell filled that need during the last few years of Bill’s life as his guardian mentor advocating for his best interests. Sharon serves as the Program Coordinator of Senior Adult Ministries with the Catholic Diocese of Wichita. As a friend of Bill Davitt, I would like to personally thank Sharon for the fine work she performed for Bill on his behalf. And, I believe Sharon has some fun Bill Davitt memories that she would like to share with you this afternoon. Perhaps there are others here today who want to share their Bill Davitt memories too.

    In closing I would like to say, Bill “we will miss hearing your singing voice and your steady voice of counsel, COUNSELOR!” And, I suspect as each of us passes to the other side in our own time, we will discover that Bill Davitt will be one of the lead angels in the Lord’s elite-hand-picked choir singing in heaven!

    May you rest in peace, Bill!

  • Daily Signal launched today

    Daily Signal launched today

    Daily Signal logo
    Today The Heritage Foundation launches The Daily Signal. It’s a news, analysis, and commentary outlet. Since today is its first day, I’ll let The Daily Signal describe itself:

    We know you’re busy. And we’re quite certain you care deeply about the future of our country.

    We care, too. We care about your communities, your families, and how Washington’s decisions are going to impact you.

    Daily Signal screen exampleMore and more people are grabbing bites of news from mobile devices on the go — and they need a place where they can find digestible, trusted news on the most important policy debate of the day.

    That’s why the Heritage Foundation team created a digital-first, multimedia news platform called The Daily Signal.

    The Daily Signal provides policy and political news as well as conservative commentary and policy analysis — in a fresh, visually rich, readable format for your desktop, tablet or phone.

    We are committed to news coverage that is accurate, fair and trustworthy. As we surveyed the media landscape, it became clear to us that the need for honest, thorough, responsible reporting has never been more critical. That’s a challenge in today’s fast-moving world. And it’s a challenge we’re willing to accept.

    We are dedicated to developing a news outlet that cuts straight to the heart of key political and policy arguments — not spin reported as news.

    The Daily Signal is supported by the resources and intellectual firepower of The Heritage Foundation — a dedicated team of experienced journalists to cover the news and more than 100 policy experts who can quickly help put issues in perspective. We believe this combination of news, commentary and policy analysis will establish The Daily Signal as a trusted source on America’s most important issues.

    We believe that high-quality, credible news reporting on political and policy issues is of paramount importance to an informed and free society. This is a reflection of that Jeffersonian notion that the greatest defense of liberty is an informed citizenry.

  • Gosnell, the movie

    Gosnell, the movie

    Seeking to tell the story of the most prolific serial killer in American history, filmmakers Ann McElhinney, Phelim McAleer, and Magdalena Segieda ask for your help.

    gosnell-movieThe subject of the proposed movie is Kermit Gosnell, the Philadelphia physician convicted of murder in 2013. Of his crimes, the grand jury reported: “This case is about a doctor who killed babies … What we mean is that he regularly and illegally delivered live, viable, babies in the third trimester of pregnancy — and then murdered these newborns by severing their spinal cords with scissors … Over the years, many people came to know that something was going on here. But no one put a stop to it.”

    If you’re not heard of Gosnell and his crimes, you’re not alone. Many feel that his trial did not receive the news coverage it merited. Writing about the lack of news coverage, Kirsten Powers — not a conservative — concluded in her USA Today column:

    Let me state the obvious. This should be front page news. When Rush Limbaugh attacked Sandra Fluke, there was non-stop media hysteria. The venerable NBC Nightly News’ Brian Williams intoned, “A firestorm of outrage from women after a crude tirade from Rush Limbaugh,” as he teased a segment on the brouhaha. Yet, accusations of babies having their heads severed — a major human rights story if there ever was one — doesn’t make the cut.

    You don’t have to oppose abortion rights to find late-term abortion abhorrent or to find the Gosnell trial eminently newsworthy. This is not about being “pro-choice” or “pro-life.” It’s about basic human rights.

    The deafening silence of too much of the media, once a force for justice in America, is a disgrace.

    The Gosnell filmmakers note that Jodi Arias was on trial at the same time as Gosnell, She was accused of killing one person, but her trial received wide coverage, and a movie has already been made and shown.

    Through their company Ann & Phelim Media Ann McElhinney, Phelim McAleer, and Magdalena Segieda have made successful and compelling independent films such as Fracknation and Not Evil Just Wrong. Now, by using the crowdfunding method, they hope to raise enough to produce a movie to tell the Gosnell story.

    I’ve made a contribution, and I hope you do too. You can make a contribution of any size at GosnellMovie.com. There you can hear the filmmakers tell what they will accomplish.

    gosnell-movie-fundraiser

  • Kansas traditional Republicans: The record

    As Kansas Republicans decide who to vote for in next week’s primary election, moderate senate incumbents and many newspapers urge voting for those Republicans who promote a “reasonable,” “balanced,” and “responsible” approach to Kansas government. When we examine the record of the coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats that governed Kansas for the first decade of this century, we see legislative accomplishment that not many Kansans may be aware of. Almost all have been harmful to our state.

    Most of the moderate Republicans run campaigns promoting themselves as fiscal conservatives. But their voting records often tell a different story. That’s why in 2010 I produced the Kansas Economic Freedom Index to shine light on the actual votes cast by legislators. This year I joined with Kansas Policy Institute and Americans for Prosperity–Kansas to produce a larger and more structured index. Kansans might be surprised to learn that the senator who ranks lowest in voting for economic freedom is a Republican.

    Perhaps the most important issue for most Kansans is jobs. In this regard, Kansas — under leadership of moderates — has performed poorly. A chart of the number of private sector jobs in Kansas as compared to a few surrounding states over the past eleven years shows Kansas at or near the bottom. (Kansas is the thick black line. Data is indexed so that all states start at the same relative position.)

    Kansas private sector job growth compared to other statesKansas private sector job growth compared to other states. Data is indexed, with January 2001 equal to 1. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics

    Incredibly, not long ago Kansas was the only state to have a loss in private sector jobs over a year-long period. This is the culmination of governance by the coalition of moderate, traditional Kansas Republicans and Democrats.

    Analysis in the current edition of Rich States, Poor States: ALEC-Laffer State Economic Competitiveness Index confirms that the Kansas economy has not performed well. The “Economic Outlook Ranking” is a forecast looking forward, based on factors that are under control of the states. The “Economic Performance Ranking” is a backward-looking rating that measures state performance, again using variables under control of each state.

    For Economic Performance Ranking, Kansas is ranked 39 among the states, near the bottom in terms of positive performance. In the 2010 edition, Kansas was ranked 40th, and in 2010, 34th. Kansas is not making progress in this ranking of state performance. In the forward-looking Economic Outlook Ranking, Kansas ranks 26th. Again, Kansas is not making progress, compared to other states. In annual rankings since 2008 Kansas has been ranked 29, 24, 25, 27, and now 26.

    Further evidence of the harm of moderate Republican/Democratic governance was revealed earlier this year when the Tax Foundation released a report examining tax costs on business in the states and in selected cities in each state. The news for Kansas is worse than merely bad, as our state couldn’t have performed much worse: Kansas ranks 47th among the states for tax costs for mature business firms, and 48th for new firms. See Kansas reasonable: We’re number 47 (and 48).

    On government reform, moderate Republicans have blocked efforts to improve the operations and reduce the cost of Kansas state government. In 2011 the Kansas Legislature lost three opportunities to do just this. Three bills, each with this goal, were passed by the House of Representatives, but each failed to pass through the moderate-controlled Senate, or had its contents stripped and replaced with different legislation. See Kansas reasonable: Government reform.

    Moderates are proud of keeping politics out of judicial selection. In reality, Kansas judicial selection is highly politicized and undemocratic, with out-sized power concentrated in a special interest group: lawyers. Among the fifty states, Kansas is at the undemocratic extreme in the way we select judges, and moderates defend this system. See Kansas reasonable: Judicial selection.

    Moderates usually claim that they are the “education” candidate, and are proud of their support for spending on Kansas schools. They “march in lockstep” with those who constantly call for more school spending, even to the point of suing the state’s taxpayers for more money. They join with the special interests who fight against accountability measures. They also fight against an honest assessment of the condition of public schools in Kansas, and when you look under the covers, it’s not the pretty picture that education bureaucrats paint.

    As an example, compare Kansas with Texas, a state that Kansas school spending boosters and moderate Republicans like to deride as a state with low-performing schools. In Kansas 69 percent of students are white, while in Texas that number is 33 percent. So it’s not surprising that overall, Kansas outperforms Texas (with one tie) when considering all students in four important areas: fourth and eighth grade reading, and fourth and eighth grade math. But looking at Hispanic students only, Texas beats or ties Kansas in these four areas. For black students, Texas bests Kansas in all four. Texas does this with much less spending per pupil than Kansas. See Kansas reasonable: The education candidates.

    A recent column described traditional, moderate Kansas Republicans as those who “believe government has a more affirmative role in assuring a high quality of life for Kansans.” The record, however, is one that has placed Kansas at disadvantage to other states, and it will be difficult to recover. Kansas traditional: the platform.

  • The Wichita Eagle on naysayers: a disservice to Wichita

    Yesterday’s op-ed by Rhonda Holman in The Wichita Eagle reveals a crucial need for a newspaper with at least one conservative voice on its editorial board (Say ‘no’ to naysayers, October 9, 2011). Here are a few ways in which Holman and her newspaper’s editorial section are wrong about downtown Wichita development and a few other issues, and how the op-ed is a disservice to the people of Wichita:

    The real world, according to Holman

    While Holman cites the “real world” as the need to pour massive subsidy into downtown Wichita, I might ask this question: Why is downtown Wichita such an unattractive investment that lavish subsidy must be heaped upon those who invest there?

    Actually, the broader question needs to be asked, as the city often subsidizes development all over town. An example is the new Cabela’s store, an example of “greenfield” development that supposedly sucks away all the money from downtown, and which the elitists despise. In that case the city lent its taxing authority to Cabela’s to be used for its own purposes. A more direct example was when the city granted, through a forgivable loan, $48,000 to The Golf Warehouse, located in a suburban office park.

    So what is it about Wichita? Won’t anyone invest in Wichita without subsidy?

    It turns out, fortunately, that many do.

    In the “real world,” there’s a lot of development going on. It just isn’t always taking place where Holman and other elites think it should be taking place.

    Interestingly, when the elites advocate for public funding of their goals, their own actions often belie their true preferences. For example, a lot of development in Wichita is taking place near Holman’s suburban home. Many other supporters of subsidized downtown development don’t live anywhere near downtown — or even in Wichita, in at least two examples.

    Why this building?

    There’s much more in Holman’s article that deserves discussion. For example, Holman writes: “The Union National Bank building is a prime example: If it could be developed without the use of public tools, it wouldn’t still be empty after 12 years.” Underlying this statement is the assumption that this property should be developed. I don’t know where she and the supporters of subsidized downtown development get these ideas. What is it about this property that gives it priority over other properties in the city or downtown?

    If Holman makes the case that this small piece of land deserves massive public spending to support its development, can’t the same argument be made for every other vacant building or empty plot of land in downtown Wichita? We can anticipate that it will be.

    Scrutiny, by cheerleaders only

    Holman praises the scrutiny that the project has undergone, writing that the project has been “vetted by a public-private evaluation team.” By my reckoning, the committee that performs this function doesn’t have a single member who is skeptical of subsidies for downtown development. Can’t these people tolerate even one person who might voice dissent?

    Further, that committee decided to approve the project despite the involvement of David Burk of Marketplace Properties. Holman’s own newspaper reported this last year: “Downtown Wichita’s leading developer, David Burk, represented himself as an agent of the city — without the city’s knowledge or consent — to cut his taxes on publicly owned property he leases in the Old Town Cinema Plaza, according to court records and the city attorney. … Officials in the city legal department said that while Burk was within his rights to appeal taxes on another city-supported building in the Cinema Plaza, he did not have authorization to file an appeal on the city-owned parking/retail space he leases. … As for Burk signing documents as the city’s representative, ‘I do have a problem with it,’ said City Attorney Gary Rebenstorf, adding that he intends to investigate further.”

    The development agreement for the current project contains restrictions on the type of behavior that Burk has exhibited in the past. Call it the “Burk clause.”

    Election as referendum?

    Holman claims that the recent spring city elections were a referendum on downtown, and that subsidized downtown development won. (Here again Holman doesn’t make a distinction between “development” and “subsidized development.”)

    But elections are a decidedly poor way to make these decisions. For one thing, policy regarding subsidized downtown development is just one issue that candidates ran on. Voters have to vote for the entire package. They can’t pick and choose among issues, and it’s a reason why we need to leave more economic activity in the realm of markets — where people can pick and choose what they want — rather than turning it over to politics.

    Then, there’s the low turnout for these elections. In the past, Holman described the turnout for the spring primary as “depressingly low.” But now — since the results largely fit her ideology — she describes the election is a “referendum.”

    Then, there’s this: A recent Rasmussen poll carried the headline: “Just 6% Think Most Politicians Keep Their Campaign Promises.” Elaborating, the pollster explained: “Voters remain overwhelmingly convinced that most politicians won’t keep their campaign promises, but they’re a little less convinced that their elected officials deliberately lie.”

    As shown in my reporting of one of the first times two new city council members faced a test, they didn’t fare well at all (Wichita forgivable loan action raises and illustrates issues):

    Politically, Wichitans learned today the value of promises or statements made by most candidates while campaigning. Most candidates’ promises along with $3.75 will get you a small cappuccino at Starbucks — if you don’t ask for whipped cream.

    Particularly interesting is the inability of politicians to admit they were wrong, or that they made a mistake, or that they were simply uninformed or misinformed when they made a campaign promise or statement. … City council members Clendenin and Meitzner could not bring themselves to admit that their votes today were at odds with their statements made while campaigning. This lack of honesty is one of the reasons that citizens tune out politics, why they have such a cynical attitude towards politicians, and perhaps why voter turnout in city elections is so low.

    As one young Wichitan said on her Facebook page after sharing video of the three new council members today, obviously referring to city council district 2’s Pete Meitzner: “How to use your mouth: 1. Campaign under the guise that you are a fiscal conservative. 2. Insert foot.

    Finally, there are the out-sized campaign contributions made by those who ask the city council for money. See Wichita City Council campaign contributions and Douglas Place for details on the campaign contributions made by these developers.

    One more thing: If Holman is advocating using the results of elections as a measure of city sentiment, why oppose this election, where the ballot question addresses one issue, and there can be no confusion as to what the voters mean?

    The naysayers

    Holman, as do many downtown supporters, falsely frames the issue. She writes: “To oppose the Ambassador project is, in effect, to oppose downtown redevelopment.” She uses, as does Mayor Carl Brewer, the term “naysayer.” They don’t mean it as a compliment.

    What I — and the people I ally myself with — oppose is subsidized development. We oppose this whether it is downtown, suburban, or elsewhere. As it turns out, we can’t even have an honest assessment of the level of public involvement in the current project under consideration. While the City of Wichita employs a very narrow definition of public involvement, a more realistic look shows that the hotel benefits from $15,470,000 in public money to get started, and then $321,499 per year for the first five years, with smaller amounts for 22 years.

    Saying no to government intervention doesn’t mean saying no to progress. It does mean saying “no” to the self-serving plans of politicians and bureaucrats and the crony capitalists who seek to profit from political entrepreneurship.

    It means saying “no” to Wichita’s political entrepreneurs, who seek to earn profits through government coercion rather than meeting the needs of customers in the marketplace. It means saying “no” to the public-private partnership, where all too often it is the risk that is public and the profit that is private.

    So yes, I guess I and Wichita’s other naysayers are saying “no” to a lot of things.

    But what we’re saying “yes” to is liberty and freedom. We’re saying “yes” to a civil society that respects the rich diversity of human individuality instead of government planning and bureaucracy. We’re saying “yes” to free people cooperating voluntarily through free markets rather than forced government transfers from taxpayers to politically-favored individuals and programs.

    We’re saying “yes” to consumers choosing which businesses in Wichita thrive, rather than politicians on the city council — and their elitist sycophants — choosing. We’re saying “yes” to people making their own choices, rather than government “incentivizing” the behavior it desires through TIF districts and tax abatements, those incentives being paid for by taxpayers.

  • Pompeo, Congressional candidate, to address Pacyhderms

    The speaker at this Friday’s meeting (September 3rd) of the Wichita Pachyderm Club is candidate for the United States Congress from the fourth district of Kansas Mike Pompeo.

    Pompeo, a Republican, is challenged by Reform party candidate Susan Ducey, Democrat Raj Goyle, and Libertarian David Moffett.

    All are welcome to attend Wichita Pachyderm Club meetings. The program costs $10, which includes a delicious buffet lunch including salad, soup, two main dishes, and ice tea and coffee. The meeting starts at noon, although it’s recommended to arrive fifteen minutes early to get your lunch before the program starts.

    The Wichita Petroleum Club is on the ninth floor of the Bank of America Building at 100 N. Broadway (north side of Douglas between Topeka and Broadway) in Wichita, Kansas (click for a map and directions). You may park in the garage (enter west side of Broadway between Douglas and First Streets) and use the sky walk to enter the Bank of America building. The Petroleum Club will stamp your parking ticket and the fee will be $1.00. Or, there is usually some metered and free street parking nearby.

  • Wichita economic forecast to be presented

    This Friday (August 27) the Wichita Pachyderm Club will feature a presentation titled “Economic Forecast for the Wichita Area.” The presenter will be Debra Franklin, Regional Labor Force Analyst at the Center for Economic Development and Business Research at Wichita State University.

    All are welcome to attend Wichita Pachyderm Club meetings. The program costs $10, which includes a delicious buffet lunch including salad, soup, two main dishes, and ice tea and coffee. The meeting starts at noon, although it’s recommended to arrive fifteen minutes early to get your lunch before the program starts.

    The Wichita Petroleum Club is on the ninth floor of the Bank of America Building at 100 N. Broadway (north side of Douglas between Topeka and Broadway) in Wichita, Kansas (click for a map and directions). You may park in the garage (enter west side of Broadway between Douglas and First Streets) and use the sky walk to enter the Bank of America building. The Petroleum Club will stamp your parking ticket and the fee will be $1.00. Or, there is usually some metered and free street parking nearby.

  • Investment strategies to be discussed in Wichita

    This Friday (August 13) the Wichita Pachyderm Club features a program titled “Could any investment strategy be successful in today’s economic climate?” The presenter will be Dr. Malcolm Harris, who is Professor of Finance at Friends University. His blog is Mammon Among Friends, and he is regularly quoted in Wichita news media regarding financial and economic matters.

    All are welcome to attend Wichita Pachyderm Club meetings. The program costs $10, which includes a delicious buffet lunch including salad, soup, two main dishes, and ice tea and coffee. The meeting starts at noon, although it’s recommended to arrive fifteen minutes early to get your lunch before the program starts.

    The Wichita Petroleum Club is on the ninth floor of the Bank of America Building at 100 N. Broadway (north side of Douglas between Topeka and Broadway) in Wichita, Kansas (click for a map and directions). You may park in the garage (enter west side of Broadway between Douglas and First Streets) and use the sky walk to enter the Bank of America building. The Petroleum Club will stamp your parking ticket and the fee will be $1.00. Or, there is usually some metered and free street parking nearby.

  • Schodorf poll indicates three-way tie in Kansas fourth Congressional district

    Today the campaign of Kansas Senator Jean Schodorf released a poll that shows her in a three-way tie with Wichita businessmen Wink Hartman and Mike Pompeo in the race for the Republican Party nomination for United States Congress from the fourth district of Kansas.

    The candidates and their campaign websites are Wichita businessman Jim Anderson, Wichita businessman Wink Hartman, Wichita businessman Mike Pompeo, Latham engineer Paij Rutschman, and Kansas Senator Jean Schodorf.

    In answering a telephone question “If the election for congress were today, would you be voting for Jean Schodorf, Jim Anderson, Mike Pompeo, or Wink Hartman?” with the names rotated, Schodorf’s survey shows Hartman in the lead with 19 percent, Schodorf with 18 percent, Pompeo with 16 percent, Anderson at nine percent, and 39 percent undecided.

    As with all polls produced on behalf of a candidate, we need to remember that surveys produced and released by campaigns are just that, and the results would probably not be released by a campaign if the results did not portray the candidate favorably. Without knowledge of the questions being asked, there is always the possibility that a survey is a “push poll,” meaning an instrument designed to influence participants and produce a desired result.

    The Schodorf campaign released the text of the question asked, but other questions asked — or statements made — before the reported question can influence the response.

    The difference between the Schodorf campaign poll and an independent effort conducted last week can be seen in two places: First, Schodorf — in her campaign’s results — is in a statistical tie with Hartman and Pompeo, and the number of undecided voters in Schodorf’s poll is much higher than in the SurveyUSA poll from last week. In that poll, undecided voters were nine percent of the total. That’s less than one-fourth of the undecided voters found in the Schodorf poll.

    Kansas fourth Congressional district poll resultsKansas fourth Congressional district poll results